The Right Angle

The Counterrevolution

General David Brooks has declared war. And like General David Petraeus, he could well win it.

On October 10, the New York Times columnist and former Weekly Standard contributor proclaimed that Vice Presidential nominee Sarah Palin is a danger to the future of the Republican Party. In a column entitled “The Class War Before Palin”, Brooks asserted that Palin represented nothing more than the GOP’s embrace of anti-intellectualism: “…[O]ver the past few decades, the Republican Party has driven away people who live in cities, in highly educated regions and on the coasts. This expulsion has had many causes. But the big one is this: Republican political tacticians decided to mobilize their coalition with a form of social class warfare. Democrats kept nominating coastal pointy-heads like Michael Dukakis so Republicans attacked coastal pointy-heads.”

Brooks continued: “Over the past 15 years, the same argument has been heard from a thousand politicians and a hundred television and talk-radio jocks. The nation is divided between the wholesome Joe Sixpacks in the heartland and the oversophisticated, overeducated, oversecularized denizens of the coasts. What had been a disdain for liberal intellectuals slipped into a disdain for the educated class as a whole. The liberals had coastal condescension, so the conservatives developed their own anti-elitism, with mirror-image categories and mirror-image resentments, but with the same corrosive effect.”

Brooks noted: “The political effects of this trend have been obvious. Republicans have alienated the highly educated regions—Silicon Valley, northern Virginia, the suburbs outside of New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and Raleigh-Durham. The West Coast and the Northeast are mostly gone.” He further argued that Palin was the epitome of this disdain for intellectualism: “Palin is smart, politically skilled, courageous and likable. Her convention and debate performances were impressive. But no American politician plays the class-warfare card as constantly as Palin. Nobody so relentlessly divides the world between the ‘normal Joe Sixpack American’ and the coastal elite. She is another step in the Republican change of personality. Once conservatives admired Churchill and Lincoln above all—men from wildly different backgrounds who prepared for leadership through constant reading, historical understanding and sophisticated thinking. Now those attributes bow down before the common touch. And so, politically, the GOP is squeezed at both ends. The party is losing the working class by sins of omission—because it has not developed policies to address economic anxiety. It has lost the educated class by sins of commission—by telling members of that class to go away.”

Brooks is right for the wrong reasons. Palin could well destroy the GOP—because the conservative opposition to her is so intense that the party cannot help falling apart.

Slowly, it is becoming obvious that a significant portion of the American right is filled with the same anti-Palin loathing that has occupied the entirety of the left. Brooks is merely saying what so many of these conservatives apparently feel—that Palin is unqualified, untested, unlearned, a GOP version of Obama.

Brooks is leading these conservatives into battle against what they see as the ignorant side of the right. His strategists in this war include George Will, David Frum, Ross Douthat, Charles Krauthammer, Kathleen Parker, Heather Mac Donald and other pundits who have cast doubt upon Palin’s ability to lead the GOP in the future. These are all wise men and women; their ability to win this ideological war should not be underestimated.

Yet the GOP itself could become the biggest casualty of this war. It’s heartbreaking to see the anger and hatred between the pro-Palin and anti-Palin factions of the right. It’s even more heartbreaking when one realizes that both sides are acting out of what they perceive to be moral principle.

While I strongly disagree with the Brooks/Will/Parker/Krauthammer vision of Palin, I cannot agree with those on the right who now consider these men and women traitors. These conservatives sincerely and legitimately believe that Palin represents an Archie Bunker/Elmer Gantry-style conservatism that is incompatible with the country’s future greatness and success. Their assessment is wrong, but it’s just that, wrong—not evil.

I also can’t blame Palin’s media supporters (such as Rush and David Limbaugh) for standing firm against what they see as raw elitism on the part of her conservative critics. Palin’s backers sincerely and legitimately believe that Palin represents a return to the conservative values of Reagan and Gingrich—the values that led the GOP to its greatest successes. Their motives are as pure as those of her skeptics on the right.

Even if “McPalin” defeats the ‘Bama-Biden bunch next month, the split of the GOP seems etched in stone. What is taking place now is full-on civil war; the fights over Terry Schiavo, Harriet Miers and Mike Huckabee in the mid-to-late 2000s were just skirmishes. Both factions of the party hold on to clear principles; one faction believes that defense and economic interests should be paramount, while another faction believes that the moral health of the country must receive primary attention. Both sides of the party have tremendous weight—but the GOP cannot bear this weight for much longer.

Old Days

The memories of that particular fall just won’t go away.

Thankfully, most of the memories are positive or funny. Turning 15 and finally having an ice cream cake. Hearing Prince’s “Love Symbol” album for the first time. Seeing Bret “Hit Man” Hart’s first interview as WWF Champion on Superstars of Wrestling.

So much was strange about that fall. None of the movies seemed particularly interesting: The Last of the Mohicans, Candyman, Under Siege and Glengarry Glen Ross struck me as brutally dull based on the newspaper ads and TV commercials. Madonna generated a national scandal with her book Sex and her album Erotica; while I always thought Madonna was beautiful, I had no great desire to get a hold of either the book or the CD.

Not everything was positive about those days. I had so much homework to plow through: some of that homework had to be done on the bus ride to school, where I’d get teased by less academically inclined teenagers for “acting white.” I struggled with my advanced math and science courses, giving myself headaches trying to figure out the complex equations.

That fall wasn’t great, but it wasn’t awful either. The weather in the Northeast was nice. The back pain that had flared up over the summer had faded away. I was as close to “normal” as one could get.

Why do I keep remembering those days? Why does that fall keep coming back in my mind?

The year had largely been uneventful. Oh sure, the riots in LA shocked people, but to me the images were no different from what I saw at the end of Do The Right Thing. I couldn’t figure out why the loudmouthed politicians were blaming “twelve years of Reagan-Bush” for the riots—what the hell did Reagan and Bush have to do with people destroying their own communities, I thought. I remember walking away from the TV and going back to my English homework.

Everything was normal back then. So why do I remember this time so strongly?

The music back then wasn’t great. Kurt Cobain and Nirvana were the big things in music at the beginning of the year; then, all of a sudden, everyone dropped Nirvana for Sir Mix-A-Lot’s “Baby Got Back”: "I like big butts and I cannot lie…"

I didn’t watch much television back then, other than wrestling. Cosby had gone off the air earlier that year: the last episode was nice, but the show had lost its mojo for the past couple of years. In Living Color on Fox was also losing its steam.

That year was an uneventful time. That fall was an uneventful time. So why does it keep repeating itself in my mind?

I remember so many things, or segments of things: seeing ads for Whitney Houston’s movie The Bodyguard and Steve Martin’s movie Leap of Faith on the Ackerley billboards as I went back home after school, noticing how much cuter the girls in my class were this year compared to the year before, rolling my eyes as gullible kids started wearing black baseball caps with the letter X written in white on top and talking about how they couldn’t wait to see Spike Lee’s new movie about Malcolm X, cracking up reading one of Howie Carr’s articles in the Sunday Boston Herald.

I remember those articles. He kept calling one of the Presidential candidates “Billary.” Now I remember that candidate—he was full of charisma, he talked of hope and change, he promised that he would give the middle-class a tax cut. I remember my classmates thinking that he was an angel sent straight from heaven to change this country for the better.

Now I remember the debates that guy had with a strange little man from Texas and the dude who was the current President, a war-hero Republican who seemed like a nice enough guy, but who wouldn’t hit his opponents hard enough. I remember the night that guy looked at his watch during a debate. I remember liking that guy as an 11-year-old kid, being mystified as to why everyone around me thought he was a racist bigot, being stunned when my classmates in middle school looked at me as though I had two heads when I made a “Bush ‘88” sign about that guy in woodworking class.

I remember that guy not fighting back, not going to war with the other guys trying to take him out. I remember the guy Howie called “Billary” beating the two other guys on November 3, 1992. I remember when the “Bush ‘88” guy conceded, and thinking that he lost because he failed to put up a fight.

Now why do I keep remembering these days? Someone help me out here. I can’t figure out why my mind is spotlighting these days. I have no idea.

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